Growing India-China Bonhomie

With Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s getting re-elected to office; India’s China policy is likely to remain consistent while leveraging on the fluctuations in global politics involving United States-China trade war. After the Doklam stand-off of 2017, both countries invested resources on managing their differences. The Wuhan informal Summit in 2018 was an outcome of such an approach. The Wuhan Summit and informal dialogue acted as a confidence building measure. There have been positive developments in the Sino-Indian relations. Not only China agreed to designate the Jaish-e-Mohammed (JeM) Chief Masood Azhar as a global terrorist in the United Nations Security Council after vetoing it four times in the past, the relations are now driven by the ‘Wuhan Spirit’. After coming back to power, Prime Minister Modi met Chinese President Xi Jinping for their first bilateral meeting on the sidelines of the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation (SCO) summit in Bishkek, Kyrgyzstan. Both leaders will meet again in G20 Osaka Summit on Jun 28-29. The two leaders could also meet during Brazil, Russia, India, China (BRICS) Summit in Brazil, and the 14th East Asia Summit in Thailand later this year.

Following up on the momentum, both leaders have agreed to hold an informal meeting again. The second informal meeting is expected to take place on October 11 in Varanasi, India. There has been significant improvement in the relations. Both Prime Minister Modi and President Xi are working towards enhancing their partnership and much of the credit goes to their personal relations. However, the improvement in relations does not mean that the differences will cease to exist. India, for the second time, skipped endorsing the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) in the 2019 SCO leaders’ Joint Communique. In fact, India became the only country to have boycotted the two Belt and Road Forums. China’s support to Pakistan and the China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC) are still major irritants. Differences over the common boundary still exists despite Special Representative-level Talks and several rounds of negotiations. China’s resistance against India’s membership in the Nuclear Suppliers’ Group still persists. However, it should be noted that both sides have agreed on the principle that “differences need not become disputes”.

India’s approach towards China is positive; however, New Delhi maintains her own perceptions on the some of the contentious issues. However, regular interactions at the highest level have prevent differences from becoming major irritants. The two countries are focused on the issues of mutual interest and in the larger context, cooperation stems out of their individual interests. Counter-terrorism measures under the framework of the SCO caters to the interests of both countries. For China, the United States factor looms large in its global outreach. Beijing is attempting to maintain cordial relations with countries amid the United States-China trade war and rising skepticism about the BRI. Without India’s participation in the initiative, China’s BRI is less likely to become a Pan-Asian initiative.

When Prime Minister Modi and President Xi meet in Varanasi later this year, it could be expected that the bilateral ties would be on an upward trajectory. While progress has been made on the issue of India-China border dispute, the two leaders should impress upon their interlocutors to move ahead. The huge trade deficit which India has with China (US$ 53.37 billion in 2018-19), is heavily tilted in China’s favour. China’s assistance in connectivity and infrastructure development in Gwadar port remains a major cause of concern for India and is likely to be a part of the talks. Other issues may include BRI, China-United States trade differences, and other regional issues of interests.


India and China would be completing 70 years of diplomatic ties in 2020; the personal rapport between the leaders of the two Asian giants are likely to guide their bilateral ties. This would help both countries in resolving the protracted issues and take the relations forward.

Script: Sana Hashmi, Analyst On East Asian And Eurasian Affairs.

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